Summer 2013 Internships at CSSP

The purpose of summer internships at CSSP are to provide interns with work experiences by contributing to one or more of CSSP’s areas of work; expose interns to learning opportunities regarding systems reform, public policy and community change and support interns to apply skills learned from college and graduate school to policy and practice work.

Organization Overview

For more than 30 years, the Center for the Study of Social Policy (CSSP), a nonpartisan Washington, D.C. nonprofit, has been working with state and federal policymakers and communities across the country. Focused on public policy, research and technical assistance, CSSP's mission is to create new ideas and promote public policies that produce equal opportunities and better futures for all children and families, especially those most often left behind. 

Using data, extensive community experience and a focus on results, CSSP’s work covers several broad areas, including promoting public policies that strengthen vulnerable families; mobilizing a national network to prevent child abuse and promote optimal development for young children; assisting tough neighborhoods with the tools needed to help parents and their children succeed; educating residents to be effective consumers securing better goods and services; reforming child welfare systems; and promoting, through all its work, an even playing field for children of all races, ethnicities and income levels.

General Information

·         Internships are unpaid, though a stipend may be available based on funding availability.

·         The application period closes February 28, 2013.

·         Decisions will be made no later than March 29, 2013.

·         Due to the high volume of applications received, only the most qualified candidates will be contacted.

PUBLIC POLICY INTERN

General Information:

·         Internships are unpaid, though a stipend may be available based on funding availability.

·         The application period closes February 28, 2013.

·         Internship areas: Public Policy

·         Decisions will be made no later than March 29, 2013.

·         Due to the high volume of applications received, only the most qualified candidates will be contacted.

CSSP seeks an intern to support its work advancing CSSP’s public policy agenda and policy projects. The public policy intern will participate as a member of a team charged with helping federal and state elected officials develop policies and funding to achieve better results for children and families; including working on PolicyforResults.org, a leading national resource for result-based policy and funding strategies. The position offers the opportunity to explore a wide range of policy issues, including child welfare, poverty, health and education, as well as other social and economic policy issues. The intern selected will have the chance to sharpen their research and writing skills while working with a dedicated and rigorous staff. He or she will also have an opportunity to learn about the public policy process by attending internal strategy meetings, hearings on Capitol Hill and meetings with partner organizations. The position will also require assistance with research, writing and PolicyforResults.org content development and updates. Click here for more information on CSSP’s public policy work. Click here to learn about other available internship opportunities at CSSP. 

All applicants must:

·         Currently be pursuing a graduate degree in public policy, social policy or a related field, or pursuing an undergraduate degree with experience in public policy development and analysis

·         Have a demonstrated commitment to the mission and values of CSSP

·         Possess very strong analytical skills

·         Possess strong research and writing skills

·         Work well autonomously and as a member of a team

·         Understand public policy at the state and federal level

Specific duties may include:

·         Conducting policy research

·         Assisting in the preparation of reports

·         Conducting social media activities (blog, Facebook, Twitter)

How to Apply: Interested applicants should submit a cover letter, resume and writing sample to: The Center for the Study of Social Policy c/o Megan Martin 1575 Eye Street NW, Suite 500 Washington, DC 20005 megan.martin@cssp.org with the subject line “Public Policy Intern”.

What the Fiscal Cliff Could Mean for Families

As a result of the Recession, millions of people lost jobs and the poverty rate in the United States rose sharply. People who had been living comfortably were laid off and suddenly became impoverished, and those who were already struggling to make ends meet saw resources becoming even more scarce. While the country continues to slowly recover from the recession, the level of families in need continues to exceed the supports available to meet those needs through the safety-net.  Even for those who qualify for housing vouchers, waiting lists can be years long, as is the case in Washington, DC., where the average wait for a two-bedroom apartment is at least 22 years; children in some households become adults by the time they come off the waiting list, and many families never receive housing support at all. Adding to the burden, food stamps are hardly sufficient to cover the actual cost of meals, especially in urban areas where the cost of living is high. The average benefit amount an individual receives with food stamps is $4.46 a day, but in Washington D.C. an individual’s average total food cost for the day is $10.23.

However, as we’ve mentioned in previous posts, programs for low-income individuals are not just money taken from the government, but money put back in to the economy: food stamps provide states with more revenue and create jobs, and the Earned Income Tax Credit encourages work and is largely lauded as the most successful anti-poverty program.

In addition, health programs such as Medicaid and the Children’s Health Insurance Program are valuable because their coverage of screening and other prevention services reduce the likelihood that people will develop more debilitating and costly health problems in the future—chronic diseases and illnesses that cost the United States billions of dollars each year in missed days at work and lost productivity.

In the current negotiations in Congress on how to prevent the “fiscal cliff”, it is vital that one of the principles in developing solutions be: they cannot increase poverty or income inequality. In order to preserve programs for poor and low-income families, a good balance between revenue increases and spending cuts will be necessary. Unfortunately, entitlement and other programs for low-income people are often an easy target for cuts. Although cutting entitlements may save money in the immediate future, the consequences to families and the long-term consequences to the economy will be much more costly.

There is bipartisan agreement that a total of $4 trillion in deficit reduction is needed to stabilize the debt. $1.7 trillion in savings has already been achieved, through cuts to defense and non-defense discretionary spending enacted by the Budget Control Act. Therefore, Congress now needs to decide where to find an additional $2 trillion in savings.

Important decisions to be made during this lame duck session include:

• The size and ratio of spending cuts to revenue increases
• How to cancel and replace the sequester
• What to do about tax cuts
• What the downpayment on deficit reduction will include.
• Considerations over lowering caps on non-defense discretionary spending, as established under the Budget Control Act
• How to control spending in Medicare and Medicaid
• Determinations of revenue requirements

Preserving programs for low-income individuals is a good investment—for building human capital in terms of health, training and education, for creating pathways to employment, and for reducing poverty and strengthening the middle class.

For more information on the ways that investing in families can be sound fiscal choices for states visit the Policymakers’ Corner or the Policy for Results website.

How Asset Tests Hinder the Goals of Safety Net Programs

It is common knowledge that the way to economic self-sufficiency involves having a bank account and saving your money—not only so that you can eventually buy a house or fund your children’s education, but also to have an emergency fund (enough money to cover living expenses for three months) in case of job loss, health emergencies or other unexpected costs. It is also how people get out of debt and can start building wealth.

This value, saving, is reflected in many states’ economic programs for people enrolled in the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) program. Parenting skills classes and job readiness trainings teach the importance of having a bank account and saving money. However, this value is not always reflected in states’ policy regarding eligibility for TANF. Furthermore, the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) also has asset tests, which can be different from those for TANF, adding another layer of complexity and inconsistency.

Not only do asset tests counter one of the major goals of the TANF program, it also creates extra work for state administrators and increases the chances for payment errors. There is no federal mandate for states to adopt asset tests, but of the ones that do, they vary widely in which types of resources count toward their asset limits. These resources may include bank statements, car titles, insurance policies and other relevant documents. In some cases, applicants can self-report their assets; in others, a caseworker must verify the assets based on the submitted documents.

 A new report from the New America Foundation, State Asset Limit Reforms and Implications for Federal Policy, describes how some states have reformed their policy on asset limits in their SNAP and TANF programs. Motivated by increasing program costs, threats to program integrity, and the recognition that asset tests are a barrier to long-term self-sufficiency, many states have eliminated asset tests for TANF and/or SNAP. For example, Colorado estimated that eliminating its TANF asset test would result in additional benefits for 44 families, at a cost of $123,000. However, these costs would be offset by greater administrative efficiency; eliminating the asset test would save caseworkers 10 to 15 minutes per “case interaction”, or up to 90 minute for the five or six interactions that typically occur between a client and a caseworker in the first 45 days. The successful policy reforms in Colorado and other states can serve as a useful model for other policymakers who are considering similar changes.

While asset tests were instituted to ensure that assistance is given to the families who need it the most, research has shown that once asset tests are eliminated, program enrollment did not increase significantly. This is due in part to the fact that families that seek assistance and meet the low income requirements are generally asset poor. In addition, the money that states saved in reduced administrative costs more than made up for the slight uptick in enrollment.  

States benefited from eliminating their asset tests in several key ways:

•      Caseworkers had more time and attention for other case management duties
•        Greater administrative efficiency resulted in cost savings
•        Greater streamlining simplified the process for both families and the agency

Asset tests are an example of a policy that while likely created with good intentions, has had serious unintended consequences for families’ efforts to attain financial success. This policy exemplifies the significance of considering the unintended impact of policy on families and highlights the importance of policymaking with a results focus (ensuring that policy is well aligned with intended outcomes). Eliminating asset tests is an important policy reform that policymakers should consider as a step towards encouraging families on public assistance to move towards financial self-sufficiency.

To learn more about connecting policy to results visit PolicyforResults.org. 

Utilizing Technology to Expand Access to Safety Net Services

Yesterday the Coalition for Access and Opportunity, of which CSSP is a member, held a briefing titled “Removing Red Tape: New Strategies for Strengthening the Safety Net” in which a panel described the actions state and local governments are taking to make their safety net programs more effective and efficient. These programs include the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, Medicaid, the Children’s Health Insurance Program, Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, the Child Care and Development Block Grant, and the Low-Income Home Energy Assistance Program.

In the traditional human services paradigm, consumers receive services by walking into a human service organization, meeting in person with a case worker, and either supply the caseworker with their completed forms and supporting documentation, or receive assistance from the case worker in filling them out. The case worker then determines if the consumer is eligible for the benefit. The advantage to this traditional method is that consumers receive individualized support. On the other hand, consumers have to visit multiple agencies to apply for a comprehensive package of services, they often have to wait in long lines, and they are burdened with having to take time off of work, which is risky to their employment status and earnings. In addition, this process leads to heavy administrative costs to the agency.

To address these problems, many states have utilized the Internet and sophisticated software systems and databases to simplify the way consumers access safety net services. In May the Coalition for Access and Opportunity, released a report titled “Moving to 21^st-Century Public Benefits: Emerging Options, Great Promise, and Key Challenges” which examines promising practices across states to propose a new model for modernizing the public safety net to make it easier and less burdensome for families to receive benefits. Its recommendations include changing eligibility rules and procedures to allow for more streamlined enrollment into programs and for retaining eligible individuals for longer.

These eligibility rules changes include—

• Using other programs’ findings to “deem” consumers eligible for assistance without asking one agency to replicate or revise the work already done by a different agency.
• Basing eligibility on prior-year income tax records;
• Providing continuous eligibility by disregarding short-term income fluctuations; and
• Eliminating eligibility requirements that cannot be documented based on data matches. For example, consumers could opt for standardized rather than itemized deductions or disregards, and asset tests could be eliminated for some or all consumers. 

The modernized eligibility procedures include—

• Using data matches, rather than consumer provision of information, to complete application forms and establish eligibility;
• Using electronic case records or data warehouses to serve multiple programs, so that information or documentation already received by one office can be used by others;
• “No wrong door” policies so that data received by one agency is forwarded to other agencies. This would minimize the number of agencies consumers have to physically enter, just to give the same information that they provided to other offices.
• Streamlining renewal by automatically granting continued eligibility based on data matches and by letting families provide missing information over the phone and online; and
• Default enrollment strategies that provide eligible consumers with assistance unless they affirmatively “opt out”.

The success of these policy changes will be determined by how closely policymakers pay attention to the details of their implementation and balance their priorities of saving administrative costs with increasing access to consumers.  Some areas that may require attention include:

• Increased reliance on data must be met with strong security provisions to protect consumers’ privacy.
• Shaping eligibility rules to fit available data means they might disregard factors such as housing costs or asset values, which are factors that could help focus assistance on the people with the greatest need.
• Reforms that address multiple programs need to be carefully structured so that they do not import more restrictive rules into programs that are less restrictive.
• The use of Internet- and telephone-based enrollment pathways must not completely replace the traditional in-person model.  Many low-income people have not filed federal income tax returns and may lack a data trail showing eligibility. Some people may not know how to use the technology or lack the language or literacy skills needed for online applications. Still others may not have access to computers, which is especially a concern for rural and frontier locales. 

Utilizing technology has in some cases led to a dramatic increase in enrollment among those who are eligible, which suggests that the change was successful and merits the consideration of program modernization in other states. However, in the excitement to take advantage of technology to streamline enrollment and minimize administrative costs, it will be important for policymakers to do a thorough assessment of the needs of the low-income populations in their state or district. It is critical that in an effort to better serve low-income families that states do not implement policy and programs that may lead to some consumers falling through the cracks.  Considering the usability and accessibility of technology by different sub-populations is a critical aspect of ensuring that streamlining access leads to the best outcomes for poor and low-income families.

Alternatives to Confining Youth in Solitary

October is National Youth Justice Awareness Month, and the Campaign for Youth Justice is taking the opportunity to educate the public about youth incarcerated in the adult criminal justice system. Even though the ideas behind laws for sentencing and incarcerating children as adults have been debunked, there are still 250,000 youth on an annual basis in the United States that are tried, sentence or incarcerated as adults. A particularly disturbing aspect of housing youth in adult facilities is that they can be subject to solitary confinement, which has more profound negative impact on youth than on adults.

A new report from the ACLU and Human Rights Watch, “Growing Up Locked Down: Youth in Solitary Confinement in Jails and Prisons Across the United States,” is based on interviews and correspondence with more than 125 youth in 19 states who spent time in solitary confinement while under age 18.

The bare social and physical environment makes youth feel doomed and abandoned, or in some cases, suicidal, and can lead to serious physical and emotional consequences. Youth in solitary confinement describe cutting themselves with staples or razors, hallucinations, losing control of themselves, or losing touch with reality. They talk about only being allowed to exercise in small metal cages, alone, a few times a week; about being prevented from going to school or participating in any activity that promotes growth or change. Oftentimes they are denied visitation from family and relatives.

Experts assert that youth are psychologically unable to handle solitary confinement with the resilience of an adult. And, because they are still developing, traumatic experiences like solitary confinement may have a profound effect on their chance to rehabilitate and grow. Solitary confinement can exacerbate, or make more likely, short and long-term mental health problems. The most common deprivation that accompanies solitary confinement, denial of physical exercise, is physically harmful to adolescents’ health and well-being.

Youth can be guilty of crimes with significant consequences for victims, their families, and their communities. The state has a duty to ensure accountability for serious crimes, and to protect the public. But states also have special responsibilities not to treat youth in ways that can permanently harm their development and rehabilitation. Fortunately, there is a way to accomplish both public safety and the safety of the youth who have committed crimes.

Solitary confinement is costly, ineffective, and harmful with consequences for both the youth and the general public. Youth who have experienced solitary confinement return to their communities with psychological damage, social deprivation, and the deprivation of essential services such as mental health counseling and education. This puts them at an increased risk to commit more crimes that will reinvolve them with the justice system, and puts them at a disadvantage for acquiring stable employment.

The ACLU’s report describes a number of better policies that policymakers could implement as alternatives to solitary confinement. Youth can be better managed in facilities designed to meet their unique needs, staffed with specially trained personnel, and organized to encourage positive behaviors. Another useful step would be to conduct a review of laws, policies and practices that result in youth being held in solitary confinement to get a better sense of what would be necessary to end this practice.

Of course, the most effective way to reduce youth being held in solitary confinement would be to keep youth entirely out of adult detention facilities. Never housing youth in adult facilities will both help better rehabilitate adolescents and better ensure the safety of our communities. For more details, visit the Policy For Results website on policies that can reduce juvenile detention. Rather than continuing a practice like solitary confinement, which does much harm and no good, policymakers can reform the juvenile justice system so that youth are guaranteed the ability to grow, be rehabilitated, and reenter society successfully.

Sign up on policyforresults.org for updates on results-based public policy strategies for preventing juvenile delinquency and ensuring quality juvenile justice services – coming soon!

Not Mentioned at the Debates: Poverty, and the Case for Maintaining and Strengthening the Safety Net

Last night, at the first Presidential debate, we heard the candidates focus their remarks on how they would help the middle class. Unfortunately, moderator Jim Lehrer did not ask a question about how the candidates would alleviate poverty, and they did not talk specifically about what they would do to help Americans in the lowest income bracket.

What should have been conveyed to the American people is how crucial it is to maintain the federal safety net, or “the floor below which you cannot fall” as President Obama referred to it last night. A large component of this “floor” is Social Security, which the candidates spoke about in reference to seniors, but not nearly as much about how it helps low-income people. In addition to Social Security, two other important components of the safety net are refundable tax credits and food assistance.

As the 2011 poverty data from the US Census revealed, policies such as the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) and the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) have kept millions of Americans out of poverty. Yet there are still 46 million Americans in poverty, 16 million of whom are children—an alarming 1 in 5 children. In order to begin to assist more of the 46 million poor people in this country, the safety net needs to be expanded—not capped, converted to a block grant or eliminated altogether.

As the Center for Budget and Policy Priorities showed, making cuts to SNAP would cause millions of people to lose their benefit, which could be devastating considering the current economic hardship experienced by so many families.

The federal deficit was a major point of contention at the debate last night, so it is of worthy note that not only does SNAP address a serious need among Americans experiencing food hardship and food insecurity, it also stimulates the economy. According to an analysis by the Food Research and Action Center (FRAC):

• Nearly 1 in 5 people in the U.S. didn’t have enough money to purchase food they need for themselves and their families in the first six months of 2012.
• More than 50.1 million Americans lived in households that struggled against hunger in 2011.
• Each federally funded dollar of SNAP benefits generates nearly double that in economic activity, because people are using the money to purchase food.
• Increased SNAP participation can increase state revenues. For example, in California each dollar of SNAP benefits frees up an estimated 45 cents more recipients spend on taxable goods, yielding additional tax revenues for the state.

In 2011, SNAP was responsible for lifting 3.9 million Americans (1.7 million children) out of poverty.

Another critical component of the safety net, refundable tax credits, were responsible for lifting an additional 9.2 million Americans (4.9 million children) out of poverty in 2010. These tax credits include:

• EITC kept 6.3 million Americans out of poverty (500,000 due to improvements brought via the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act).
• The Child Tax Credit (CTC) kept 2.6 million Americans out of poverty (1 million due to ARRA improvements).

ARRA was able to expand these crucial tax credits for low-income families by creating a new tier for larger families, and by providing marriage penalty relief. Unfortunately, as part of the large bundle of expiring financial policies constituting the looming “fiscal cliff”, the ARRA improvements are set to expire at the end of 2012. Without the Child Tax Credit, a single mother with two children working full-time at minimum wage would lose $1,545 annually. In order to prevent millions of families from facing additional financial burden, policymakers at the federal and state level should consider options that would expand EITC and CTC or consider the development of state compliments where they are not currently in place.

As the New York Times discussed, the Presidential candidates hold starkly different views of the role and scope of government in American society. However, both the data and history have shown that specific policy changes related to strengthening the safety net not only help American families by keeping them out of poverty, but also benefit the economy. Policymakers can lead by strengthening the policies and programs that serve the needs of low-income and poor families as well as strengthen the country’s economic circumstances.  Luckily for us, it is possible to do both.

African-American Youth are More Exposed to Alcohol Ads

In a new study released today from the Johns Hopkins School of Public Health, researchers found that African-American youth are exposed to more alcohol advertisements than youth of other races. The director of the Center on Alcohol Marketing and Youth at Johns Hopkins, David Jernigan, PhD said this outcome is a result of two key phenomena: 1) brands are specifically targeting African-American audiences and 2) African-American media habits make them more vulnerable to alcohol advertising in general because of higher levels of media consumption. Because of the devastating effects that underage drinking can cause, it is important for policymakers to protect youth from excessive exposure to alcohol and to prevent youth from developing an alcohol-related substance use disorder.

The study found that certain brands, channels and formats overexpose African-American youth to alcohol ads.

• In magazines, they saw 32% more alcohol ads than all youth.
• On television, they were exposed to 17% more ads per capita than all youth, including 20% more exposure to distilled spirits ads.
• On the radio, they heard 32% more advertising for distilled spirits.

Alcohol is the most widely used drug among African-American youth; more than tobacco and far more than marijuana. This study is significant because it is well established in research that the more young people are exposed to alcohol advertising and marketing, the more likely they are to start drinking. If they are already drinking, they are more likely to drink more heavily.

Despite their disproportionate exposure to alcohol ads, African-American youth actually drink less than youths of other racial groups, which researchers attribute to factors such as poverty, social norms and religion. However, this research is still significant because African-Americans who do drink suffer more serious consequences because they tend to have less access to health care, substance abuse treatment, live in poorer neighborhoods and are incarcerated more frequently. Alcohol consumption is also linked to the three leading causes of death among African-American youth-homicide, suicide and accidental injury.

Although the study could name specific magazines, alcohol brands, and television stations that overexposed African-American youth, the study could not prove the intent of the alcohol industry to target African-American youth.

Dr. Jernigan recommends that alcohol marketers commit to cutting exposure to this high-risk population, but there is also a role for policymakers to play. The Prevention Resource Center outlines a number of measures policymakers can take to create policies aimed at retailers, adult providers, youth, and alcohol availability in general. A number of states have already implemented limits to the public’s exposure to alcohol ads. For example, New Hampshire bans alcohol billboards as well as any advertising of alcohol events, such as happy hours. Some states ban ads in alcohol outlets that are visible from the street.

Sign up on policyforresults.org for updates on results-based public policy strategies for preventing and treating youth substance abuse – coming soon!

Alzheimer’s Disease and the Link with Junk Food

It is already well-known that a diet high in junk food can lead to obesity, diabetes and other diseases, but there is a growing body evidence that junk food can have another effect, and this one even more debilitating: Alzheimer’s disease. With 5.4 million Americans currently affected by Alzheimer’s, unless something is done this prevalence will climb higher as Americans live longer. There is a role that policymakers can play in helping to abate this growing public health crisis, and that is by putting an emphasis on prevention: creating policies that expand children and families’ access to healthy, affordable food.

Prompted by New Scientist’s September 1 cover story on the issue, The Guardian summarized the latest research suggesting that Alzheimer’s is primarily a metabolic disease. It has long been established that people with type 2 diabetes are two to three times more likely to develop Alzheimer’s than the general population. There are also associations between Alzheimer’s and obesity and metabolic syndrome. Now some scientists are strengthening the link and have even renamed Alzheimer’s disease “type 3 diabetes” because they believe that Alzheimer’s is caused largely by the brain’s impaired response to insulin. Insulin in the brain has functions beyond glucose metabolism—it also regulates the transmission of signals between nerve cells, and affects their growth, plasticity and survival.

Anyone who has cared for a family member with Alzheimer’s can affirm how disabling this disease can be, and the stresses it can put on families. In fact, more than 15 million Americans provide unpaid care valued at $210 billion for persons with Alzheimer's and other dementias.

The cost of Alzheimer’s treatment to the state and federal government is also enormous. Average per person Medicare payments for an older person with Alzheimer’s or other dementias are nearly 3 times higher than for an older person without these conditions. Medicaid payments are 19 times higher.

Research has not reached the point where scientists can unequivocally say that poor diet is a leading cause of Alzheimer’s disease, but there is enough evidence to underscore the public health message of healthy diet. Furthermore, this becomes a policy issue because low-income communities and communities that are predominately people of color have a disproportionately low access to healthy food. To possibly prevent our children of today from developing Alzheimer’s later in their lives, it will be important to invest in widening their access to healthy, affordable foods.

For policymakers, see the Policy For Results brief on increasing access to healthy affordable foods.

New Data from the U.S. Census on Poverty, Income and Health Insurance

Earlier today the Census Bureau released the 2011 data on income, poverty and health insurance coverage. The good news is after three consecutive years of increases, neither the official poverty rate nor the number of people in poverty were statistically different from the 2010 estimates. The bad news is there is still an unacceptable poverty rate, marked income disparities by race, and a continued shift of wealth to people in the top income percentiles.

Highlights from the Census data on poverty and income:

• The 2011 official poverty rate for the nation was 15.0% and there were 46.2 million people in poverty, not statistically different from last year.
• There still persists a large income disparity among racial groups, as Blacks had a poverty rate of 27.6%, Hispanics 25.3%, Asians 12.3% and Non-Hispanics Whites 9.8%.
• Hispanics were the only ethnic group to see a change in poverty rate, which decreased from 26.5% in 2010 to 25.3% in 2011.
• The percentage of people without health insurance coverage decreased in 2011 to 15.7% from 16.3% in 2010. The number of uninsured also decreased to 48.6 million in 2011 from 50.0 million in 2010.
• There was a significant change in the share of aggregate income, as the top 5% of earners saw their share of aggregate income increase by 5.3%. Those in the second, middle, and fourth quintiles saw their share of aggregate income decrease by 1.6%, 1.9%, and 1.6%, respectively. Those in the lowest quintile saw no significant difference.
• People in the lowest quintile of income increased their percentage of year-round, full-time workers by 17.3%, which was much higher than any other income quintile.
• The percent of people in deep poverty (i.e. their income is 50% of their poverty threshold) was 6.6%--although this is not a significant change from 2010, it is important to note that 6.6% is a substantial increase from the 1967 level of 4.4%.
• Unemployment insurance benefits saved 2.3 million people (600,000 of whom were children under 18) from being poverty
• Social Security income saved 21.4 million people (1.1 million of whom were children under 18) from being in poverty
• Although the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP—food stamps) and the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) are not counted in the poverty measure, if they were: SNAP would have decreased the poverty number by 3.9 million people (1.7 million of whom were children) and the EITC would decreased the poverty number by 5.7 million people (3.1 million of whom were children).

On health insurance:

• In 2011, the percentage of people without health insurance decreased to 15.7% from 16.3% in 2010. The number of uninsured people decreased to 48.6 million, down from 50.0 million in 2010. This is the first time in four years that the number fell.
• However, coverage levels remain below levels prior to the Great Recession. The percentage of people without coverage remains higher than in 2007, when 14.7% of the population was uninsured.
• Among adults aged 19-25, in 2011 27.7% were uninsured as compared to 29.8% in 2010. This is a decrease of 2.2%. There was not a significant change in insurance coverage for children under 19.

The poverty data released today tells us the percentage and demographic information of people in the United States that live in poverty.  However, the numbers indicate something else too: the impact that public policies have on poverty.  Public investment in policies that create jobs and support families significantly impacts whether or not people experience poverty.  In an earlier post, the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities connected the numbers on health insurance to related federal policies. They found that the decrease in the percentage of uninsured young people aged 19-26 can be explained in part because of the new provision under the Affordable Care Act that allow adult children to obtain coverage from their parents’ health insurance plan up to their 26^th birthday. Similarly, in a recent piece by Half in 10, they outline the impact of public policy choices on poverty, including information on the tax programs that were included in the Recovery Act. Furthermore, CBPP found that it is possible to reduce poverty while reducing the deficit, as the three largest three largest deficit-reduction packages of the last two decades achieved both by increasing the EITC (in 1990 and 1993), increasing SNAP (in 1993) and creating the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP) (in 1997).

The Take-Home Message

While the official poverty rate did not change from last year, it is important to note that the data shows the wealth gap between rich and poor continues to increase, and the rate of people in deep poverty remains staggeringly high.

The Census data also showed a link between full time work and the leveling-off of the poverty level.  This has meaningful implications for policymakers. Continuing to focus on job creation will help to bring more people out of poverty and stable employment at a reasonable wage will ensure they stay there. However, the data also shows the immense value of safety net programs like SNAP, the EITC, unemployment insurance, and Social Security which are there to support those  who have a job but are still struggling to meet their basic needs, those who have lost their jobs and those who may be unable to work.

While budgets are tight and falling short, and while unemployment rates and poverty remain high, it is important for policymakers to continue to work on supporting the families in greatest need - all while considering the feasibility within the current economic climate. Understanding how communities are being most affected and why will help policymakers create safety-net programs that will meet family and community needs. Creating policy with a focus on results will help to do this in a way that also efficiently allocates scarce resources and improves the odds that problems will be addressed effectively.

To read CSSP's Statement on the New Poverty Data and Implications for Children and Families please click here.

For more strategies to Ensure Children Grow Up in Safe, Supportive and Economically Successful Families visit PolicyforResults.org.

More from our blog: a primer on poverty measurement and the Census instruments used.

To Block Grant Medicaid—A Potentially Heavy Burden for States

Medicaid, the federal health insurance program that largely serves low-income children, seniors and certain disabled adults, has been a vital component of the public safety net since its inception in 1965. Because children under Medicaid tend to be in poorer health than children in private insurance (they have a higher prevalence of asthma, autism, dental and vision problems, ADHD, developmental delays, depression, and seizure disorders), Medicaid’s benefits package was designed to meet the complex needs of low-income children. Early and Periodic Screening, Diagnosis and Treatment (EPSDT) has been essential to ensuring that children continue to have a routine source of care and preventive screening for oral health, vision, mental health, developmental issues, and physical health.

In the last four years, people have enrolled into Medicaid at a higher rate than previous years as a direct result of the recession. With more people out of work, they lose access to their employer-based health insurance, their families become impoverished and they then become income-eligible for Medicaid. Furthermore, Medicaid’s enrollment has increased because of the aging population and because of the steady decrease in the number of employers who offer health plans to employees.

Since the federal government pays for the majority of the share of Medicaid spending, this increase in enrollment has led to an increase in the proportion of federal spending that goes to Medicaid. Although Medicaid costs less for the federal government than Medicare and Social Security, it often becomes the target of cuts because people with low-income are an easy target. Therefore, to control for the rising costs of Medicaid and to reduce the federal deficit, there are two very different opinions on the direction that Medicaid should now take: (A) expand Medicaid eligibility while creating cost-savings elsewhere or (B) block grant Medicaid.

Under the Affordable Care Act, Medicaid’s eligibility rules are set to expand in 2014 so that childless, non-disabled adults would be able to enroll if their income was up to 133% of the federal poverty level. The costs of this expansion are offset by revenues from the excise tax on high-premium insurance plans and net savings from other coverage-related effects, such that the Affordable Care Act produces a net reduction to the federal deficit of $124 billion.

On the opposite end of the spectrum is a proposal to change Medicaid from a defined entitlement program to a block grant. With a set amount of dollars and no mandates on coverage, states would have more autonomy and flexibility to design their Medicaid program to meet the specific needs of the state. Under this proposal, to encourage more enrollment into private insurance, premium supports or a refundable tax credit would help non-disabled adults and children to enter the private insurance market. States would be encouraged to use block grant dollars to pay for home-based care for the aged and disabled, rather than more costly institutional care.

As noted by First Focus in their analysis of the US House of Representative’s Budget Committee bill (which would block grant Medicaid), a Medicaid block grant would result in a loss of $810 billion over 10 years of federal investment in the program. About $162 billion of the total would come from investment in children’s services. While it would save money for the federal government, it would also shift the burden of costs to states, which would face a difficult decision in how to respond.

According to the non-partisan Congressional Budget Office, which also analyzed the bill, “states would face significant challenges in achieving sufficient cost savings through efficiencies to mitigate the loss of federal funding.” States could: (A) maintain current service levels, in which case they would need to reduce spending in other areas or raise revenues, or (B) reduce the size of their Medicaid program.

To adjust to the decrease in contribution from the federal government, states would likely have to tighten eligibility restrictions, ration care that children receive and lower payments to providers. Considering that Medicaid reimbursement rates are already lower than the reimbursement rates under Medicare and private insurance, this might discourage doctors from accepting Medicaid patients.

Whether Medicaid expands as an entitlement or is reduced via a block grant, states will have flexibility to design innovative programming to get services to their populations; it will be critical that state policymakers carefully consider their options (through state plans, waivers, demonstration programs, etc.) to provide quality, cost-effective care to children.For more on strategies to ensure that children are healthy, please visit PolicyForResults.org.